Axel Honneth will study the long-run social consequences of the ongoing dissolution of the integrative force of contract-based work. His project will be partly. In Freedom’s Right: The Social Foundations of Democratic Life (), Axel Honneth, Professor of Philosophy at the University of Frankfurt and at Columbia. Axel Honneth: Against Sloterdijk (Die Zeit, 24 September, ) An English translation of Peter Sloterdijk’s.

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As far as Axdl use of Gehlen goes, obviously every author is free to recur to the thought patterns of the past as they wish. Sloterdijks methodological point of access to these facts of social life was, to be sure, anything but philosophically refined.

Perhaps then the philosopher is not really finding moral principles in society; perhaps she is instead simply identifying principles that sound nice to her, and then projecting them onto her own world.

In an article for the FAZ [Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung], he has let slip what historical developments actually capture his interest as a philosopher of history. In their academic youth, which fell in the years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the representatives of this new elite had read the words of Michel Foucault; because of their unfixed, elastic intellectual attitude, their readiness for bold intuitive leaps, they had quickly ascended all the conceivable heights of power, where they now found themselves awaiting inspiration a transcendent word of clarity that could provide our epoch with an intellectual signature.

But if history does not present us with the spectacle of reason continually progressing its self-realisation, why then believe that our current society must involve some form of instantiation of rational principles? And the moral principles governing any society were themselves not perfect — they merely represented the dictates of reason as developed at that particular point in time and space. Second, there is a pattern in how moral codes change over time. Instead, in sketching out the three distinct understandings of freedom that he believes play a role in modern life negative, reflexive, and social freedomsHonneth simply relies upon a range of philosophers who have theorized about freedom.

Somehow you feel youve already heard all this you might well think youre being presented with an amalgam of Gehlen and Ernst Nolte, except that the equation of fascism and socialism and their common derivation from motives of ressentiment and thirst for power comes across here as showier and more slapdash.

A tone of militant anti-conformism meant however that he was met from many sides with reverence and admiration. InHonneth co-authored Recognition or Redistribution?


In particular, she will have to avoid two serious potential pitfalls. One of his core arguments is for the priority of intersubjective relationships of recognition in understanding social relations.

In their light, the members of the successful strata appear as the real failures.

Axel Honneth Against Sloterdijk

At the very outset of his intellectual development, Peter Sloterdijk may still have been undecided whether he should set off down the path of philosophically inspired social criticism, or that of a mystical or speculative interpretation of history and the world.

Honneth’s views appear here in translation, not because they are sanctioned by The Great Stage, but because they are expressed with a flair that our local journalism, our local “public philosophy” radically excludes.

I would also expect him to show that other ideals cannot plausibly be shown to play even a part in this role — that freedom really does stand alone in this department. Rather, he simply takes for rreificacin that freedom provides a unified account of justice in our social practices, and then sketches out a story about how it does so.

Axel Honneth

On the psychological picture of the ancient Greeks Sloterdijk wants to inform us without so much as a reifucacin reference to modern research or scientific literature human beings are gripped by a striving for success, prestige and self-respect at honneht as strongly as they are by sexual desire; these thymotic powers, which in modernity have been ignored with the exception of a few great thinkers and which were finally banished from the realm of self-knowledge by psychoanalysis, supposedly supply the actual material of all political conflict, since in the end its the collective reconquest of pride and honour that political conflict is about.

To have complete access to the thousands of philosophy articles on this site, please. At some stage the implications of the insight hed won into the eternal return of the war between the justifiably privileged and the envy-ridden underlings had to be drawn; here they are, in the form of a speculative recommendation to let the unpleasant stir of eternal social conflict come to a standstill, at least for a historical instant.

However, Sloterdijk has himself recently put an end to the game of cat-and-mouse that the arts pages of our newspapers have ingloriously taken part in.

In the struggle against social discrimination and economic disadvantage, the relevant social actors are only trying to put into practice honnteh the moral principles of all modern states governed by the rule of law promise them. At the heart of the Philosophy of Right was a story about society and history. The latter could only ward off their shameful fate or so he argues if they grasped the means of political counterattack that are capable of clearing the source of their shame from their path; and, as we read further on, Sloterdijk detects this source, the root of all evil, in nothing other than the existence of the social democratic state that enormous welfare system with the help of which the underprivileged, standing shoulder to shoulder with moralistic intellectuals, take advantage of the well-off; the insight is so central for Sloterdijk, the concern connected honeth it so momentous, that he makes mention of the taxation state again in no particular connection in his latest book, You Have To Change Your Life Suhrkamp Verlag.


Honneth then attempts to demonstrate how these understandings play themselves out in our contemporary social institutions, such as the family and the economy Chapters To that extent the history of civilisation, as this bald repetition of Nietzsche has it, consists in nothing more than an ever-constant confrontation between life-affirming and life-denying groups, between associations of human beings who enjoy life proudly and those who try to spoil the latters vitality.

Any philosopher who believes that there are moral principles underlying her own society will surely have her work cut out finding them, even if the principles really are there to find. To view the concentration of economic wealth in the hands of a few was as unjust and to see yourself accordingly as morally called to act in defence of your interests, all that was necessary was a resolute application to the dominant state of affairs of a well-established principle the bourgeoisie itself also stood for.

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He does write about history later in the book most of his examples come from literature and film, rdificacin the social sciencesbut in doing so he makes little effort to demonstrate that he has indeed found the key to understanding modern social life. It seems rather futile to point out at this stage of the argument that theoreticians as different as George Sorel and Barrington Moore drew attention to the key role of honour as a motive force of political movements at a much earlier date.

Axel Honneth – Wikipedia

It certainly represents the state of the art in the field. Here you ask yourself why Sloterdijk takes his detour via such a trivial psychology, qxel in fact the political constitutions of Western democracies positively encourage those who feel themselves at a disadvantage to make use of their well-founded claim to equal treatment before the law. La Sociedad Del Desprecio Documents.

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